By: Ramna Saeed
Pakistan’s marginalized communities—women, transgender individuals, and religious minorities—face a hostile online environment where cyber harassment is systematically weaponized to silence them. A recent research study on tackling marginalization in online spaces found that digital violence in Pakistan extends offline power structures. Online abuse, from doxxing and deepfake technology to disinformation campaigns and targeted hate speech, is orchestrated to reinforce societal hierarchies. Each group experiences distinct patterns of cyber harassment, exposing the state’s failure to protect its most vulnerable citizens.
Women’s rights activists face hypersexualized abuse, moral policing, and character assassination, especially for feminist advocacy. Deepfake technology and doxxing increasingly discredit them, spreading misinformation through manipulated images and videos. Transgender individuals endure aggressive digital harassment, with religious narratives and conspiracy theories falsely linking gender identity rights to moral corruption, fueling smear campaigns that escalate into real-world violence and exclusion. Religious minorities, particularly Ahmadis, face state-backed surveillance, hate speech, and blasphemy accusations, leading to legal persecution and social ostracization. Hindus are vilified as “Indian agents,” Christians as Western conspirators, and Sikhs as anti-state actors, reinforcing sectarian discrimination.
Despite the surge in digital persecution, Pakistan’s cybercrime laws and institutions remain ineffective in protecting marginalized groups. The FIA Cyber Crime Wing lacks the accessibility and training necessary to handle the gendered and religiously charged nature of online abuse. The research found that FIA officers frequently dismiss harassment complaints from women and trans activists, often blaming victims for their online presence instead of taking action against perpetrators. With only 15 cybercrime police stations nationwide, most victims—especially those in rural areas—are unable to report cases. Even when complaints are lodged, investigations are slow, and perpetrators rarely face consequences. The agency prioritizes politically motivated cases, such as online criticism of the military or state institutions, while ignoring organized digital hate campaigns.
The PECA Amendment 2025 has worsened the situation by granting sweeping new powers to state agencies while doing little to combat digital harassment. The Social Media Protection Authority (SMPA), created under the amendments, has broad regulatory control over online content, allowing the state to remove posts and prosecute individuals under vague guidelines. Rather than addressing digital safety concerns, PECA 2025 expands the government’s ability to criminalize dissent. The research found that the newly proposed National Cyber Crime Investigation Agency (NCCIA), set to replace the FIA’s Cyber Crime Wing, is designed to protect state interests rather than marginalized communities.
Big Tech’s failure to regulate hate speech in Pakistan exacerbates the crisis. The research highlights how Facebook, TikTok, and X (Twitter) allow disinformation, doxxing, and digital mob violence to thrive unchecked due to their English-centric content moderation policies. Hate speech in Urdu and regional languages remains largely unregulated, making it easier for coordinated harassment campaigns to gain traction. Activists, in particular, have been subjected to large-scale online attacks that often translate into real-world threats, yet social media companies have taken little action to remove harmful content. This failure has made digital platforms unsafe for marginalized users, forcing many to self-censor or withdraw from online advocacy.
Addressing this crisis requires systemic changes that prioritize survivor protection over state suppression. Pakistan’s cybercrime agencies must be reformed to improve accessibility, particularly for women, transgender individuals, and religious minorities. Key reforms include decentralizing cybercrime units to district-level police stations, establishing a Gender and Minority Protection Desk, and implementing fast-track response teams for high-risk cases like blasphemy-related digital harassment. Legal protections must criminalize doxxing, introduce civil penalties for cyber harassment, strengthen defamation laws, and create financial support for survivors. Expanding community-based responses—paralegal training, digital safety workshops, and survivor support networks—is also essential.
Social media platforms must be accountable for moderating hate speech in Urdu and regional languages, swiftly flagging and removing harmful content targeting women, trans persons, and religious minorities. The research urges creating a multi-stakeholder Cyber Harassment Task Force—including FIA, CSOs, human rights defenders, and digital rights experts—to develop survivor-centered policies and monitor state abuses of cybercrime laws. Civil society must push for parliamentary debates on PECA’s misuse and demand independent oversight to prevent censorship. A national cyber harassment helpline, modeled on DRF’s Cyber Harassment Helpline, should provide legal and psychological support for survivors.
The fight against cyber harassment is not just about policy reforms—it is about reclaiming digital spaces for marginalized communities that have long been silenced. Without meaningful interventions, Pakistan’s cyber laws will continue to serve as a tool of oppression rather than a mechanism of justice.
The writer is a freelance columnist. She can be reached at [email protected]
